What’s new? Three years into the transition period in the newly autonomous Bangsamoro region, the peace process in the southern Philippines has made undeniable progress. But the interim government, led by the ex-rebels of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, needs to work on delivering a more inclusive peace.
Why does it matter? The Bangsamoro is an ethno-religious mosaic, comprising various Muslim Moro groups, Christians and indigenous peoples known as Lumads. Participation of minorities and women in the transition should be part of efforts to ensure long-term stability, as envisaged by the 2014 peace agreement.
What should be done? The Bangsamoro government should strengthen efforts to pass legislation protecting the Lumad, spread development projects more evenly across the region, and resolve local conflicts between Moro and indigenous communities. It should also work harder to broaden participation in the transition. Donors should encourage and support such endeavours.
The creation of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) in 2019 renewed hopes for peaceful coexistence between communities after decades of war in the southern Philippines. The peace process promised to satisfy the aspirations of the region’s majority-Muslim population, respect minority rights and ensure meaningful women’s political representation. Three years into the transition, the ex-rebels of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) who head the region’s interim government have made headway but are still struggling against the backdrop of a fractured region divided along ethnic, kinship and class lines. To further strengthen inclusive peace and development, the interim government needs to institutionalise participation of all Bangsamoro peoples, of all genders, in policymaking; promote equitable development across the region; and work to resolve conflicts affecting indigenous peoples. Donors should support the regional authorities and local civil society organisations in working toward these objectives and addressing existing development gaps.
Satisfying their cadres and supporters while governing a diverse and divided region presents a dilemma for the former insurgents. Launched in 2019, the transition is proceeding along two overlapping but separate tracks. The political track requires the ex-rebels to build institutions by crafting priority legislation, staffing a civil service and getting governance in shape. The so-called normalisation track foresees phased disarmament of guerrillas, in exchange for financial support, and transformation of rebel camps into “productive communities”. From the rebel movement’s perspective, the temptation is naturally to favour its base of supporters, which mostly lives in central Mindanao and has high expectations of peace dividends. But as leader of the transition authority, the MILF needs to look beyond its political-military identity.
The region’s fragmentation along ethno-linguistic, kinship and class lines makes an inclusive approach both necessary and complicated. The BARMM’s population includes thirteen distinct Islamised communities alongside ethno-religious minorities, such as non-Moro indigenous peoples (also known as Lumad) and Christians. Major fault lines lie between provinces in central Mindanao (Maguindanao and Lanao del Sur) and those in the Sulu archipelago (Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi), as well as within these socio-cultural clusters. Armed groups and powerful political clans also continue to shape the socio-political order in the BARMM’s five provinces, two cities and one special administrative area that together are home to around 4.5 million people.
Overall, the Bangsamoro peace process has been making progress. The level of violence in the region is much lower today than it has been for decades, and as the transition gains momentum, peace dividends such as more efficient social or health services are slowly trickling down to the people. The region’s nascent institutions, bureaucratic machinery and legislation are also getting into shape. And after more than a two-year lull, the normalisation process resumed with a third phase of decommissioning of MILF ex-combatants kicking off in late 2021. But lingering issues cast a shadow over these developments: the region’s indigenous minority continues to experience displacement, people from the Sulu archipelago feel they are not getting the attention they deserve from the regional authorities and the ex-rebels’ relationship with influential clans is tumultuous. Bangsamoro women, who were disproportionately affected by the armed conflict, are now better represented but still far from having the “meaningful political participation” the 2014 peace agreement promised them.
The interim government should redouble efforts to ensure that the benefits of development projects are well distributed geographically.
Manila’s decision to extend the interim government’s term for three years past its original deadline, until mid-2025, provides a welcome opportunity for the transitional authority to work with local and outside actors toward more inclusive peace and governance. The interim government should redouble efforts to ensure that the benefits of development projects are well distributed geographically. In the Sulu archipelago, it should establish ministerial sub-offices to strengthen its presence and better engage at the local level. To advance the “meaningful participation” of women and girls in civic and political life, it should pass legislation that requires gender sensitivity in government programming. It should also pass the indigenous peoples’ code, to safeguard indigenous rights and make clear that the government is attentive to Lumad concerns even as the parties continue to work through difficult issues relating to land claims. Interim authorities should also consult more widely with both women and indigenous peoples about how government can meet their needs through legislation and policy implementation.
In addition, the interim government should exert stronger efforts to resolve conflict affecting indigenous peoples in Maguindanao. The MILF should encourage its local commanders to refrain from violence and to use their kinship networks to persuade other armed actors to stand down as well. Relevant interim government ministries will also need to take more concerted action to bring fighting to an end. A good place to start might be to map out the competing land claims that are often the source of tension, rank them in order of complexity and begin working through the most straightforward first.
Finally, both the Philippine government and international donors can support the Bangsamoro on its path to more inclusive institutions and governance. The prolongation of the transition period means that Manila has the opportunity to appoint new parliament officials in the Bangsamoro Transitional Authority for the next three years. Should it do so, it should work together with the MILF leadership to increase the proportion of female and indigenous representatives and nominate parliamentarians from smaller Moro ethno-linguistic groups. Meanwhile, international donors backing the peace process should join hands to identify gaps in development across the region in order to better coordinate their support and ensure better coverage. Stronger engagement with, and funding for, local organisations could reinforce efforts to strengthen Bangsamoro institutions and governance.
Manila/Brussels, 18 February 2022
Crisis Group was founded in 1995 as an international non-governmental
organisation by a group of prominent statesmen who despaired at the
international community’s failure to anticipate and respond effectively
to the tragedies of Somalia, Rwanda and Bosnia. The group was led by
Morton Abramowitz (former U.S. Ambassador to Turkey and Thailand, then
President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace), Mark
Malloch-Brown (former head of the UN Development Programme, then UN
Deputy Secretary-General and UK Minister), and its first Chairman, U.S.
Senator George Mitchell. The idea was to create a new organisation with a
highly professional staff to serve as the world’s eyes and ears for
impending conflicts, and with a highly influential board that could
mobilise effective action from global policymakers.
Crisis Group today is generally regarded as the world’s leading source
of information, analysis and policy advice to prevent and resolve deadly
conflict.
See the website: CRISIS GROUP
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