COLONIAL ERA TO AMERICAN PERIOD
One of the earliest recorded protests in the Philippines was a massive rally staged by the first workers’ union in the country, the Union Obrera Democratica de Filipinas, which called for an eight-hour workday and the recognition of May 1 as a public holiday. Over 100,000 people attended, and members of the group were arrested and harassed even in the succeeding months.1
In the 1920s street protests gained popularity as a method of expressing the displeasure of the public. This continued as racial tensions between Filipinos and the US colonizers grew. In January of 1930 a Filipino lettuce picker was beaten and killed by American workers in California. A memorial service attended by 15,000 people turned into a protest rally that called for the Philippines’ independence from the United States of America. A month after, students staged protests against an American teacher who insulted her students – they invited their parents and other sympathizers to join them in calling for her dismissal.2
In the early 1930s the Sakdal movement gained momentum all around Luzon. While some of their calls are hallmarks of the era – such as “absolute and immediate” independence – a lot of their demands remain rooted in human rights issues we continue to see to this day, such as the protection of workers’ rights and the use of regional languages in public schools. In 1931 they launched a movement called Mapayapang Pagsuway (Peaceful Disobedience) inspired by the nonviolent civil disobedience movement in India. Members boycotted foreign goods, refused to pay taxes, pulled their children out of pro-foreign schools and refused patronage to stores that were unsympathetic to their cause. Their movement was harassed by police and municipal officials resulting in Sakdalistas taking to the streets in protest. Things came to a head in 1935 when a nonviolent campaign devolved into armed conflict between Sakdalistas and the Philippine Constabulary in several towns around Manila. Many protesters died and were injured and shortly thereafter the movement collapsed.3
In September 1945, just a month after the Japanese surrender, 50,000 farmers and laborers marched to Malacanang demanding better working conditoins and the release of their leaders who had been imprisoned and a 60-40 sharing system in the province. While some of their demands were met by the President, para-military groups were formed and routinely harassed peasants, being particularly violent against rural women.4
MARTIAL LAW
The Lapiang Malaya movement formed in the 1940s and was part political, part religious organization. In May 1967 their leader called on then-President Ferdinand E. Marcos to resign so a government formed of their movement could take over. More than 500 members gathered at their headquarters along Taft Avenue in Pasay City in what began as a peaceful demonstration. The Philippine Constabularly repeatedly attempted to break up the assembly which eventually boiled over into violence on both sides – with 32 members of Lapiang Malaya killed and over 300 more arrested and taken to Camp Crame. In the aftermath, the Philippine Constabularly came out with alleged reports that the group was linked to communists to justify their actions.5
In the 1960s the Philippines experienced increasing poverty; the government was falling deeper into debt and questions regarding the US’ involvement in our economy and presence of Military bases were raised. With the nation in crisis as inflation spiraled out of control and the steady devaluation of the peso and rampant unemployment, a series of protests broke out mostly centering around student movements but also involving workers groups and peasant organizations. In the late 1960s several key demonstrations took place, and most were harassed by police or even violently dispersed. In 1967 calls for a constitutional convention to revise the 1935 Constitution began surfacing as a response to the growing discontent brought about the stark inequalities in society.6
It’s against this backdrop that President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. wins his first reelection in November 1969. Just two months later in January 1970 a rally outside of Marcos Sr.’s SONA calling for a non-partisan Constitutional Convention turns violent. Several student movements were in attendance as well as labor groups and peasant organizations; they were met by a strong security force. While the protest began peacefully, it eventually devolved into violence with the uniformed personnel using what some considered excessive force to disperse protesters. A Senator present called for the security forces to cease their attacks but was told that only the MPD chief of police could give the order. From there several more public protests and rallies continued throughout the first quarter of 1970 in what is now called the First Quarter Storm.7 8 9
During this period several protests broke out only to be violently dispersed by police. While students were a driving force for the protests; they were often joined by workers, peasants, urban poor, drivers and members of other sectors. With each violent dispersal, more people were inspired to take to the streets to protest police brutality and repression. During one dispersal a student was captured by police and tortured to death. The unrest dissipated towards the end of March 1970, but this period is considered a watershed moment in the opposition against Marcos Sr. 10 11 12
Just a year later, students joined jeepney drivers in striking against rising oil prices. Barricades went up in UP Diliman, UP Los Banos and along the University Belt. In UP Diliman, what was initially a peaceful protest broke out in violence when a professor tried to forcibly disperse students. His car was then damaged by students throwing pillboxes and he responded by opening fire on the students, killing one and injuring at least one more. Following his arrest, Metrocom entered the campus, scattering students with hundreds running to the College of Arts and Sciences Building and barricading themselves in there. Several students were arrested. And from that point on the fight was no longer about oil price hikes but about the military incursion on campus grounds. This was the first day of what came to be called the Diliman Commune. Over the next few days students skirmished with police and military forces. Students took over the UP Press and DZUP radio station. The barricades were eventually taken down voluntarily in exchange for several demands, including a gasoline price rollback and justice for the student killed on the first day. However, it would appear none of the demands were ever met.13 14
In August of that same year the Plaza Miranda Bombing happened, killing nine people and wounding more than 100. While it continues to be uncertain who perpetrated this attack, it is cited by President Marcos Sr. in his Proclamation 889 suspending the Writ of Habeas Corpus. Following the Writ’s suspension, several prominent activists were arrested, and security forces cracked down on mass organizations. This prompted the formation of Movement of Concerned Citizens for Civil Liberties. The alliance brought together a broad group of activists, uniting them with three basic demands: lift the writ of habeas corpus; release political prisoners; and resist any plan by the Marcos government to declare martial law. They held a series of rallies, the largest being on September 21st 1972 just hours before President Marcos Sr. declared Martial Law.15
With the proclamation of Martial Law, the crackdown on activism intensified. However, that did not stifle the spirit of Filipinos. Protests continued even during the repressive years of Martial Law. One of the longest and most sustained was the struggle against the Chico River Basin Development Project by the Kalinga Indigenous communities from the early 1970s to 1980. The project involved the construction of four massive dams – two in the Mountain Province and two in Kalinga. If the dams were constructed it would have wiped away Indigenous communities in eight towns, impacting around 300,000 people. When peaceful negotiations broke down, Indigenous groups turned to civil disobedience – blockading roads with boulders and pitching construction equipment into the river. Indigenous women played a key role – tearing down workers dormitories with their bare hands and driving away survey teams. 16
The Marcos government responded with violence and bloodshed. The military were sent in and the area was declared a “free-fire zone” where any “trespassers” could be shot indiscriminately. In April 1980, the assassination of a key figure in the struggle, a village elder named Macli-ing Dulag, by members of the armed forces sparked wider mobilization across sectors in the region. The project was eventually abandoned in 1986 and has become a landmark case in the way the government and even international bodies such as the World Bank handle projects involving Indigenous people and their Ancestral Lands. 17
In August 1983 key opposition leader Ninoy Aquino was assassinated on the tarmac of Manila International Airport. His death sparked protests starting from his funeral procession which lasted for more than ten hours and was attended by over a million people until the following year. On the anniversary of his death in 1984 rallies were held all over the country with an estimated 450,000 at the Rizal Park alone. The rallying cry for the protesters was the resignation of President Marcos Sr. 18 19
Another set of protests against the Marcos Sr. Administration were
those against the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP) which started almost
as soon as he annouced the decision to construct the plant in 1973 but
really became organized in January 1981 with the organization of the
Nuclear Free Philippines Coalition. This alliance came together
originally to oppose the construction and operation of the BNPP but
eventually expanded its campaign goals to include the closing of US
miltary bases as well. There were several rallies in 1983 and 1984;
however, in June 1985 there was the “Welgang Bayan Laban sa Plantang
Nukleyar” (People’s Strike) in Balanga, the capital of Bataan. This was a
three-day strike which on the third day forced the entire province of
Bataan to a standstill with the rest of the nation almost following
close behind. 33,000 activists and Filipino citizens mobilized by 22
anti-nuclear organizations participated in the largest protest action of
the campaign. The BNPP never opened under the Marcos Sr. Administration
and thanks to public pressure and the tense political climate the
Aquino administration which followed postponed its use in April 1986. 20
EDSA PEOPLE POWER REVOLUTION
In 1985, President Marcos Sr. was being pressured by the public and his US allies to declare a snap elections. A group of military officials had also organized a group a few years prior and just went public to call for reforms in the military. In secret, they were planning a coup for the end of the year. However, Marcos Sr. Surprised everyone when he announced on US television that he was declaring snap elections and that he would be running for office. Just two months after an organization formed to call for her Presidency, Cory Aquino – widow of the assissinated Ninoy Aquino – received a petition with more than a million signatures drafting her to run against Marcos. 21
The lead up to the elections was marked by efforts to ensure that the elections would be honest and fair. On election day, February 7 1986, the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) mobilized 400,000 volunteer poll watchers. Radio Vertis also publicly urged people to help ensure ballot boxes weren’t stolen or tampered with. Following the elections, Aquino took the lead in NAMFREL’s unofficial tally however when the official count started Marcos’ lead was practically irreversible. 30 COMELEC computer technicians walked out of their posts in protest of alleged tampering with the results; and a multinational team of observers pointed out cases of election fraud by the ruling party. 22
On February 15, Batasang Pambansa officially declared Marcos the winner of the snap elections. The 50 opposition Members of Parliament walked out in protest. The day after, Aquino hosted a “victory rally” wherein she called for a civil disobedience campaign marked by strikes and boycotts of media, banks, and other corporations that were owned by or supported Marcos and his cronies. While the White House sent officials to mediate the situation, Aquino refused any compromise short of Marcos’ removal from office. People all over the country joined the boycott – a total of Php1.78 billion had been withdrawn from crony banks; businesses refused to serve San Miguel Corporation products or patronize Rustan’s Department Store; Bulletin Today’s newspaper circulation dropped drastically. Meanwhile, the breakaway military group whose plans for a coup were put on hold for the snap elections resumed their plotting. 23
In the wee hours of the morning on February 22 1986, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile was finalizing plans for a coup to be led by Col. Gregorio “Gringo” Honasan. The plan was to attack Malacanang and for Enrile to declare himself head of a ruling junta. However, just a few hours later, it became painfully clear that their plan had been leaked to Marcos and that AFP Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver had positioned his men in order to respond to the attack. Enrile contacted AFP Vice Chief of Staff General Fidel Ramos asking for his support which the latter granted. The two of them made their way to Camp Aguinaldo where a few hours later they publicly announced their defection from the Marcos regime. 24
Meanwhile, in the Philippine Daily Inquirer office, editor Louie Beltran was with opposition leader Ernesto Maceda when word came that they were surrounded by soldiers. Beltran had Maceda leave out the back and evacuated his female staff. He warned the few staff that remained to brace themselves for a dangerous night. 25
On Radio Veritas, Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin called on people to show their support for Enrile and Ramos. Butz Aquino – brother of Ninoy Aquino – heard of the defection and called for people to meet him at Cubao so that they could march to protect Camp Crame and Camp Aguinaldo where Enrile and Ramos were bunkered down. While the original response was lackluster, after Cardinal Sin appealed to people to go to the Camps, more people flocked to the streets. By midnight on February 23, 10,000 people were at Cubao and they started their March to EDSA. By the time they reached Camp Aguinaldo, the number had grown to 20,000. 26
Throughout the next two days, the crowd at EDSA swelled to hundreds of thousands of people. A human barricade is formed, protecting the two military camps. The situation was tense and the scenes that played out were dramatic: protesters blocking the path of tanks that refused to fire into the crowds; nuns offering flowers to soldiers with guns trained on them; helicopters poised to attack the crowd instead turning and joining the revolt. Radyo Veritas continued to provide a blow-by-blow account of the situation; even when its transmitter was neutralized and its backup transmitter failed, a reporter switched to a different station – but kept the same frequency – to continue reporting. Even as more and more government and military officials joined the side of the rebels, Marcos Sr. refused to give up power. 27 28 29
On the morning of the 25th , people are called to guard
Club Filipino in San Juan in anticipation of the inauguration of Aquino
as the rightful winner of the snap elections. By 10.46am Aquino is sworn
into the office of President of the Philippines by Senior Supreme Court
Justice Claudio Teehankee. The crowd sings the anti-Marcos anthem
“Bayan Ko.” Ramos and Enrile are present and join the singing. About an
hour later, Marcos own inauguration ceremony begins – however just as he
raises his hand to make the oath of office, the live coverage is cut
when the television transmitter is taken down. Just hours later,
following negotiations with the US for their assistance, Marcos and his
family leave Malacanang onboard helicopters. Within the hour news that
they have fled the country is announced and is shortly confirmed. On the
streets, people rejoiced. A peaceful protest had just toppled a
dictatorship. 30 31
POST EDSA
When Aquino assumed power, farmers were initially hopeful that their cause would finally be won but as time wore on and no progress was made, they grew discontent. On 15 January 1987, farmers from Kilusang Magbubukid sa Pilipinas camped outside of the Ministry of Agrarian Reform with three demands: give lands to farmers for free; zero retention of land by landlords; and stop amortization of land payments. They met with MAR officials including the Minister himself, but they were unsatisfied that all they were offered was for the issue to be brought up to the President in a Cabinet meeting or to wait for the ratification of the 1987 Constitution. After a few days camped outside the building, and one day when they barricaded the building not allowing employees in to work, they marched to Mendiola. 32
They were joined by other organizations such as Kilusang Mayo Uno, Bagong Alyansa Makabayan, the League of Filipino Students, and Kongreso ng Pagkakaisa ng Maralitang Lungsod. By the time they reached Mendiola Bridge the protestors numbered close to 10,000 to 15,000. However, they were met by columns of police and military officer armed with truncheons, shields, and even M-16s. When violence broke out, security officials fired at the protestors – there is even video of them firing into a retreating crowd – and at least 12 people died with some accounts citing 13 deaths. 39 protestors received severe gunshot wounds with 12 to 19 of them reportedly succumbing to their injuries at a later date. No military or police were killed that day. This was refered to as Black Thursday in the media at the time and is today known as the Mendiola Massacre. 33
A few months following that event the Congress for a People’s Agrarian Reform (CPAR) was formed in May of 1987. It was composed of over 200 people representing 70 people’s organizations from the center and left political and ideological spectrum and at the time was the broades coalition to have been organized in the country. They originally were campaigning for their “The People’s Declaration of Agrarian Reform” to be incorporated in an executive order which would have addressed agrarian reform. However, when Aquino deferred to Congress, CPAR continued their campaign. They approached the issue from two fronts: they hosted massive protests, including rallies, demonstrations and pickets while simultaneously working with sympathetic progressive lawmakers to push their preferred version of the agrarian reform bill through. One key move they made was the establishment of a tent city behind the legislative building during the opening of Congress. This was intended to make the presence of farmers and fisherfolk known during the entire legislative process and featured various exhibits, workshops and discussions on the issue of agrarian reform. Eventually, thanks in no small part to CPAR’s efforts, the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program was enacted in June 1988. However, by the time the law was passed it bore little resemblance to the bill that was originally filed by sympathetic lawmakers with many of the original sponsors withdrew their support and even voting against the bill. CPAR rejected the law and issued instead the The People’s Agrarian Reform Code which was adopted by a multi-sectoral nationwide conference. 34 35
Historic firsts in the realm of protests was not new to the Philippines by this point. However another first occurred when in 26 June, 1994 Progressive Organization of Gays in the Philippines (ProGayPhilippines) and Metropolitan Community Church (MCC) marched in Quezon City Memorial Circle in honor of the 25th anniversary of the Stonewall Riots which marked the birth of the modern LGBTQIA+ movement. This was the first Pride-related march organized in Asia and the Pacific. While only attended by 50 or so people, the media picked up the story and the organizers were invited onto different talk shows. Two years later the first Metro Manila Pride March was organized by a wider group of LGBTQIA+ organizations. 36 37
February 1986 also wasn’t the last time that Filipinos ousted a president through peaceful means. In January 2001, close to 2 million people assembled once again along EDSA protesting the suspension of the impeachment trial against President Joseph Estrada. Allegations of widespread and immense corruption first emerged in October 2000 since then an impeachment trial was underway and calls for Estrada’s resignation came forth. When Senate voted against opening a sealed envelope containing potentially incriminating evidence it prompted several Senators to walk out of the hall in protest and the Senate President to resign. Following that Cardinal Sin called to people to assemble on EDSA and within a day there were 100,000 people on the streets. 38 39
Over the next two days the number of protesters grew until reached
the estimated 2 million. The police and military joined the protesters
meaning that there would be no violent dispersals. Shortly after several
thousand protestors marched on Malacañan, the Supreme Court declared
the position of President as vacant. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was sworn
in as President shortly thereafter. This week or so of protests came to
be known as EDSA II or EDSA Dos. It is also significantly different from
the original EDSA protest as it wasn’t instigated by the military but
instead was the result of people urging their friends and family to come
and take a stand over texts and calls. On one day of the protest a
whopping 70 million texts were sent – close to 40 million more than the
average. People were spreading the word, convincing their loved ones
that they needed to take to the streets.40 41
MILLION PEOPLE MARCH
Another protest that came together somewhat organically and was facilitated by technology was the Million People March on August 26 of 2013. What started as a Facebook post turned into a rallying cry against corruption and culminated with 100,000 people in Manila and more in other cities. The call of protestors was the abolition of the “pork barrel” or the discretionary funds given to lawmakers for their pet projects. The scandal came to a head when accusations of $232 million in government funds intended for farmers were instead funneled into ghost projects and stolen. Following August 26 several other protests were held calling for transparency and the accountability of those who stole the funds. 40
Violent dispersals of protests continue into the 21st century. As recently as April 1, 2016, at least 1 farmer was killed and 13 more were wounded when police and military violently dispersed a 3000-person human blockade along the Davao-Cotabato Highway. Two policemen were also in critical condition and another 40 cops were injured in the scuffle. The protestors were farmers suffering through the severe drought for several months and had gathered to demand 15,000 sacks of rice from the North Cotabato governor. They had been protesting since March 29 and completely blocked the highway since the 30th. However, negotiations between the protesters and the local government officials broke down and the order came for their dispersal. The violence prompted several investigations, including by the Commission on Human Rights. 41 42
30 years since 1986 former President Marcos Sr. Still sparks protests. 2016 there thousands of people gathered to protest his burial in Libingan ng mga Bayani (National Hero’s Cemetary). The burial with full military honors was one of President Rodrigo Duterte’s campaign promises and as early as the first August after his swearing-in he was preparing to go through with his plan. Protests bloomed in Manila and other cities – including Davao City – calling for President Duterte to reverse his decision. Just days before Marcos Sr. was secretly buried in Libingan ng mga Bayani, 20,000 Martial Law survivors, students and workers and other protestors assembled in Rizal Park and a few days later rallies were held all over the country and even in the U.S. Following the stealthy burial, more protests broke out all over the country. 43 44 45
The burial of President Marcos Sr. was not the last of the protests under the Duterte regime. Less than a year later on September 21 2017 – the anniversary of the declaration of Martial Law – thousands of people from across different sectors joined demonstrations against his administrations policies, including the bloody War on Drugs which by that point had already killed thousands of people. Masses were said, effigies were burned and protesters marched in the street to express their discontent with the killings, the threat of martial law and other issues. 46
TheLakbayan ng Pambansang Minorya is a protest march organized by the Movement of Moro and Indigenous Peoples for Self-Determination (SANDUGO) to bring the issues of indigenous peoples to the attention of the capital and policy makers. It was first held in 2012 and then was revived in 2015 in September and October after a spate of Lumad killings and the threat of further violence forced 3000 to 4000 people to evacuate with some making the trek all the way to Manila in order to air their grievances. The country was shocked and angered; #StopLumadKillings trended on Twitter with people demanding justice. In 2016, as part of the Lakbayan, a protest action outside the US Embassy decrying American imperialism and its effects on indigenous people turned violent when a police car rammed into the protesters towards the end of the demonstration. 50 were injured and 29 were arrested. The most recent iteration of the Lakbayan was in 2017 however in November of 2020 the series of protests was in the news again when the event was red-tagged by the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency and called the participants “so-called lumads.” 47 48 49
As shown in earlier years, protests don’t always mean marches on the street. In July 12 2018 several banners appeared all over Metro Manila bearing the Chinese flag reading “Welcome to the Philippines Province of China” plus some more text in Chinese characters. This was on the two-year anniversary of the favourable Hague court ruling in the Philippines’ arbitration case against China regarding territory in the West Philippine Sea. The banners appear to be a reference to a “joke” made by President Duterte that the Philippines can be made a province of China. No group or individual claimed responsibility for the tarpaulins but they did spark outrage from both the Duterte administration and the Chinese government. Public reaction was mixed. 50
Another form of protests are strikes and from 2017 to 2019 transport
strikes nearly paralyzed the country. The protests were organized by
Pagkakaisa ng mga Samahan ng Tsuper at Operators Nationwide (Piston) and
were against the government’s jeepney modernization program which
drivers and other critics called anti-poor and would drive many drivers
into either deep debt or unemployment. At one point in October 2017,
Piston claimed that the transport strike had paralyzed 95% of the routes
around Metro Manila. During several of these strikes, classes and
government work were suspended either by the national or local
governments in direct response to the strike. To this day, the PUV
Modernization Program has not been implemented although it has not been
officially scrapped either. 51 52 53
PROTESTING DURING A PANDEMIC
Even the COVID-19 pandemic was not enough to stifle the spirit of protest in the Filipnos. During the strictest period of the lockdown in April 2020, several dozen protesters gathered in Quezon City demanding food and cash aid from the government. 21 of them were arrested for rallying without a permit and the local government strongly asserted that food packs had been continuously distributed throughout the city. 54
A few months later a series of protests broke out over two key issues. The first that broke was the question of ABS-CBN’s franchise renewal. As early as February 2020, people rallied for media freedom and calling on Congress to address the issue. These picked up again in May following the end of the media company’s previous franchise and them being ordered off the air; and then again in July following Congress’ rejection of a new franchise for ABS-CBN. These protests were done both online and offline including a nationwide noise barrage on July 18. 55 56
The other issue uniting Filipinos in the middle of the pandemic was their anger over the Anti-Terror Law. Protests began in March 2020, prior to the lockdown, but kicked up in May and June as the bill made its way through the legislative process. More than a thousand people assembled on June 12, Philippine Independence Day, while wearing masks and observing physical distancing in order to protest the bill. A day after the bill was signed into law by President Duterte, on July 4, several organizations came out to protest the enactment. 57 58
On July 27, 2020, protesters hold what was called SONAgKAISA – a rally on the same day as President Duterte’s penultimate State of the Nation Address. Scores of protesters assembled in the UP Diliman campus to voice their discontent on the ABS-CBN shutdown, the Anti-Terror Law and the government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Just days before this public protests had been banned as part of the health measures against the virus. In addition to this protest other rallies were held all over the country and even at the Philippine Consulate General in San Fransico, USA. 59 60 61
In the second half of 2021, several protests were organized by healthcare worker organizations. TOne of these was held on August 30, National Heroes Day, at which they decried how they were being hailed as modern heroes for their service during the pandemic but how they still had not received any of the benefits, allowances or hazard pay that was owed to them. These rallies were held simultaneously all over the country and several more followed in the following months with many healthcare workers also calling for the resignation of Health Secretary Duque over his failure to address their concerns. 62 63
The results of the May 2022 elections also sparked protests in the country. The day after the polls were held, around 400 people staged a protest outside the Commission on Elections, citing election irregularities which caused many to question the results and to reaffirm their opposition to another Marcos presidency. There were protests all over the country with students, Martial Law survivors and other sectors raising their voices against the many issues that arose during the elections, disenfranchising many voters, which they claim favoured Marcos Jr. Two weeks later police violently dispersed about 300 protesters marching to protest what they called was the rushed proclamation of the results of the 2022 presidential and vice-presidential elections despite allegations of cheating. At least 10 protesters were injured when police fired water cannons into the group, a move which drew criticism from rights group including the Commission on Human Rights and Amnesty International Philippines. 64 65 66
On July 25 2022 President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. is expected to deliver his first State of the Nation Address and we can expect Filipinos to take the opportunity to let the new administration know their own concerns on the many issues facing the country. The Philippines’ long history of protest will continue as Filipinos continue to exercise their right to freedom of expression and assembly. However, these rights are threatened by the oppressive policies and rhetoric by state authorities which threaten these rights which are a cornerstone of our democracy and are so crucial to our history as a country.
This phenomenon is happening worldwide with governments all around
the world enacting restrictions on the right to freedom of expression
and assembly similar to what we are seeing in the Philippines. The
Protect the Protest campaign is a global call for all of us to defend
our right to protest and secure our right to demand change and claim our
rights.
_____________________________________________
Throughout history, protest has been a powerful tool for change. But governments around the world are cracking down on protests and it must be protected.
Protect the protest
Add your voice to our global call to protect the protest and join our campaign today.
Comments
Post a Comment